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But they also warn that in joining the fray, these elderly and divisive figures could further fragment and undermine the Syrian opposition. But their decision to speak out could mark a turning point, coming as the Arab League votes to suspend Syria, King Abdullah of neighbouring Jordan calls on Assad to stand down and opposition forces step up armed attacks. Khaddam was a long term ally of Hafez al-Assad, serving as his foreign minister, deputy prime minister and vice president, and was a leading figure in the ruling Baath Party, one of the pillars of the regime, until He is accused of overseeing the massacre of between 10, and 25, civilians in the town of Hama.

As former regime apparatchiks, both men have little credibility with the larger opposition movements that are attempting to direct the revolution. A la mi-novembre, la situation semble toujours aussi confuse et inextricable. A quoi attribuez-vous cela? Ils ne se limitent pas au Venezuela de Chavez. La population panique. Il est paru le 4 octobre :. Plus de 2. After a long blogging hiatus, I have decided to reopen this blog and use it to archive my articles, quotes and interviews. Does the Arab spring need a bill of rights? Urgently needed now is a bill of rights to guarantee freedom for all, regardless of creed or politics.

In less than a year, the Arab Spring swept through the Middle East with a speed both historic and breathtaking. Arab youths lost their fear and apathy and went out on the streets. Three dynasties or dictatorships have crumbled. Bashar al-Assad of Syria is at a precarious moment. After decades of secular rule by autocrats, millions of Arabs are eager to give Islam fuller expression in their lives and their governments. But that desire worries secularists, minorities, and more moderate Muslims, who constitute as much as 30 to 40 percent of the citizenry in some countries and seek concrete guarantees of rights in a coming year of Arab constitution-writing.

Now the new constitution of one of the most educated, secular Arab states will be shaped in a politically religious context. As the Arab Spring enters this new phase, something is urgently missing — an element needed to define the Arab Spring as more than a series of uprisings, says a growing chorus of expatriate Arab intellectuals. If this is not a fight for values, then it is not a revolution.

It is just a series of uprisings. If it is a fight over values, you put it in writing. What is needed to consecrate the Arab Spring as a real revolution is a declaration of rights as witnessed in the French Revolution. In a region chockablock with minorities, and with no autocrats to ensure stability, what such documents need are unequivocal guarantees of equality for all citizens, regardless of race or creed. Evidence of the need for minority protection in the Middle East is already coming thick and fast: This month — eight months after the Arab Spring — 27 Coptic Christians were killed when Egyptian tanks rolled into a crowd of protesters.

Yet there is little accountability in Cairo for the massacre of peaceful protesters, part of which was caught on YouTube. Basic questions are unanswered: Will women be allowed positions of leadership?

Schopenhauer, Le Monde comme volonté...1 SOUS-TITRES, Olivier Pontreau

Will full participation by non-Muslims in politics, public office, and courts be assured? In states like Syria, with a plethora of minority groups and intra-Muslim divides, if change comes, will all Islamic family members receive full rights? In post-Muammar Qaddafi Libya, interim leaders now say they have adopted sharia as the main source of law — a common formulation in Islamic governments, which is open to a wide range of interpretation.

As part of this, Libyan leader Mustafa Abdul Jalil said, marriage laws would be changed to allow polygamy. Bit by bit if the sharia is institutionalized, we will see an elite corps with a privileged standing making rules. As a historic event, the Arab Spring has been compared to and the fall of the Berlin Wall. Yet the overthrow of the Soviet Union was achieved through years of disciplined dissident opposition and the eventual rotting of the Soviet economy.

The Arab revolts, by contrast, have seemed in some ways too easy.

Antoine de Saint-Exupéry

So this … makes me maybe not skeptical but makes me ask, What are the foundations of this? So far the issue is raised mostly by expatriate Arab intellectuals, opposition groups, Egyptian writers and circles around presidential candidate Mohammed ElBaradei, and other artists and academics who want modern constitutional guarantees without making them sound like ideas imposed by the West.

This summer brought a tussle between two Syrian opposition groups over basic issues: The National Council for Coordination of Democratic Change in Damascus insisted on a declaration of rights that included separation of religion and state and other basic rights to be agreed on before the regime topples. They dismissed the separation idea and bill of rights as matters to be worked out later. The push for a modern bill of rights is complicated by years of autocrats suppressing the state mechanisms necessary to enforce such rights — courts, schools, police, and so on.

Cause perdue des États confédérés d'Amérique

But a more significant issue may be an underlying struggle between secularists and Gulf nations already funding the Islamic faithful. Al Nahda had by some counts more than local groups, many of which reportedly received Gulf funding. With Europe in debt crisis, that assistance is seen as more likely to come from Saudi Arabia and the Gulf Cooperation Council, a local economic bloc. Worried about budding protests of its own earlier this year, Saudi Arabia distributed tens of billions of dollars in aid to its youth, and calm has prevailed.

But Gulf funds to support Islamist groups in other parts of the Middle East come with a tacit understanding not only of the authority of Mecca and Medina in matters of Islam — the Saudi cities are considered the two holiest in the world — but also an intent to spread its more orthodox Wahhabi version of the faith. After the Oct. The army that Kadhafi inherited from King Idriss, when he overthrew the monarchy in a bloodless coup in , was not insignificant — Libya had been involved in a border conflict with Sudan and Chad from The materiel is stored in a still uncounted number of bases around the country, most of them dating from the early years.

Cause perdue des États confédérés d'Amérique

One of those bases is in Hun, in the Jufra oasis, about kilometres miles southeast of Tripoli. None of them take off any more. Their fuselages are crumbling, jet engines and propellers rusted, cockpit windows almost opaque from the effects of ultraviolet light. Nearby is a stockpile of Russian armoured vehicles, around of them, which was attacked by NATO warplanes.

Again, the ageing T55 tanks and BMP-1 troop carriers are mostly rusted, apparently not having moved in years. After the euphoria of the s, money began to grow tight. Then Libya was hit with a first set of international sanctions in over its interference in neighbouring countries.

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A second set of of sanctions was imposed after Libya was blamed for the downing of a Pan Am jumbo jet over the Scottish town of Lockerbie, killing people on the plane, mainly Americans, and 11 on the ground. In late , Kadhafi renounced all attempts to develop a non-conventional arsenal, paving the way for a lifting of sanctions. Despite that, the regime bought little new materiel — some Russian T tanks, and some Russian and French missiles. Kadhafi had hundreds of thousands of tonnes of munitions, some of it obsolete but still dangerous, which should have been more than sufficient to fend off the initially amateurish and under-equipped rebels.

Elnari worked in a communications centre hidden in a massive nuclear bunker that was attacked by NATO. Version espagnole parue sur Univison. Pese al levantamiento de las sanciones, a finales de , los nuevos equipamientos militares son escasos: algunos tanques T rusos, misiles rusos y franceses….


Suficiente para contrarrestar el amateurismo de unos rebeldes infraequipados. Le Point. La Ligue arabe a-t-elle perdu la face? Le pays peut-il finir par imploser? Ces menaces laissent Bachar el-Assad de marbre. From Madrid to Athens, young people facing a bleak future are casting doubt on European identity. Occupy Europe? The most significant current youth movement in Europe started with a tweet on Justin Bieber, the boyish Canadian crooner. Spain, like Greece and Italy, faces huge public deficits.

The government has been cutting outlays for basic services like schools, health care, and social welfare. While college attendance in Spain is a success story, youth unemployment has risen to a horrific 44 percent. So on Puerta del Sol square, the kids were hashing it out.

They wanted to bed down on the square, but the police had other ideas. About 4 a. A month before, students had slept there to buy tickets to a Bieber concert.

The tweet distilled perfectly frustrations among youth that Europe, Spain, their politicians, the banks, the system, their lives — all are in trouble and need to change. The Zapatero government, like governments across Europe, hews to a neoliberal model that stresses cutting deficits and using taxes to shore up banks.

But it has said little about how to spur growth. Austerity is seen as the predominant answer to spiraling debt costs. But this offers no solace to an educated but unemployed generation that says it wants both work and meaning in life. Yet some Rubicon was crossed on May A Twitter call brought hundreds of youth to the square. The next day more than 1, came. By the end of the week 30, people, most of them young, had organized a system of tent camps, started seminars and teach-ins, and begun building a social networking site.

Their moniker became indignados, or the outraged. Today, their idea has spread across southern Europe to Rome and Athens and the far corners of Spanish cyberspace, where the group has 70, participants. They are part of an increasingly global movement of young people that, while not directly connected, share some of the same frustrations over the inability of economies to create jobs, and the indifference of politicians or their impotence to do anything about it.

The youth of Puerta del Sol have taken some of their inspiration from the youth of the Arab Spring. Yet each of these revolts is also rooted in its own grievances, with consequences that will be similarly singular.

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The most common word they used to describe their lives: complicated.